Child Sexual Abuse Has Declined

Quotes and highlights from:
Child Sexual Abuse Has Declined, David Finkelhor and Lisa M. Jones; in:
Child Sexual Abuse. Ed. Angela Lewis. At Issue Series. San Diego;
Greenhaven Press, 2005.

David Finkelhor is a professor of sociology and the director of the
Crimes Against Children Research Center at the University of New
Hampshire. Lisa M. Jones is a research assistant professor of
psychology at the same center.

Between 1992 and 2000, the number of substantiated cases of child
sexual abuse declined by 40 percent. The decline may be partially
due to decreased reporting and changes in the procedures used by
child protective services (CPS) agencies. However, there is strong
evidence that a real decline in child sexual abuse occurred.

For example, the number of self-reports of sexual abuse by victims has
decreased. Also, many other indicators of crime and family problems
declined during the same period, suggesting a general improvement in
the well-being of children. Large-scale prevention and intervention
efforts may be contributing to the decline.

The number of sexual abuse cases substantiated by child protective
service (CPS) agencies dropped a remarkable 40 percent between 1992
and 2000, from an estimated 150,000 cases to 89,500 cases, but
professional opinion is divided about why.

It is possible that the incidence of sexual abuse has declined as a
result of two decades of prevention, treatment, and aggressive
criminal justice activity.

It is also possible that there has been no real decline, and that the
apparent decline is explained by

	a drop in the number of cases being identified and reported
	or by changes in practices of child protection agencies.

Identifying the source or sources of the decline in the number of
substantiated sexual abuse cases is important. The possibility that a
real decline occurred is heartening and could point the way to more
effective strategies for preventing all kinds of child maltreatment.

On the other hand, if the decline is due solely to decreased reporting
or changes in CPS procedures, it could mean that more children are
failing to get the help and services they need....

Key Findings

	Detailed data provided by four state CPS agencies offered little evidence that the decline was due either to more conservative judgment by CPS about the types of sexual abuse cases they would investigate or substantiate or to increasing reluctance by CPS to become involved in cases in which the perpetrator is not a primary caregiver.
	There also was no strong evidence that the decline was largely due to a diminishing reservoir of older, ongoing cases available for new disclosures.
	There was some evidence that the sexual abuse decline in one state could be partly explained by changes in CPS procedures and data collection methods. According to national data, however, this explanation does not successfully account for the declines seen in the majority of states.
	There was mixed evidence that reporting of sexual abuse to CPS declined because of a "backlash," that is, a greater public and professional skepticism about reports of sexual abuse.
	Evidence from a number of different sources, including National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) data showing a 56-percent decline in self-reported sexual assault against juveniles, is consistent with a real decline in sexual abuse.
	Finally, additional studies and improved data are needed to make crucially important decisions for public policy based on the factors that are most responsible for the decline....

Evidence of a True Decline

No solid and convincing explanation exists for why sexual abuse
cases declined in the 1990s, although it is important to try to find
out why a decline occurred. The answer, if it can be determined, is
not likely to be a simple one. In all likelihood, multiple factors
were involved in the trend. Based on the strength of current
evidence, one of those factors was probably a true decline in the
occurrence of sexual abuse. Changes in the practices of
professionals who report suspected abuse and of the child protective
system probably also have played a part, but how large a part is
difficult to ascertain.

The evidence for some true decline in incidents of sexual abuse
comes from several directions. One is the decline in self-report
measures of sexual assault and sexual abuse. The NCVS and the
Minnesota Student Survey are both crucial indicators that are
independent of the filtering or policies of social agencies.

Although validity problems are always present with the
self-reporting of sensitive information, there are no strong reasons
to think that candor about sexual abuse has declined.

Another strong piece of evidence for a true decline is the
improvement in many other indicators of crime, sexual behavior, and
family problems over the same period of time. The decline in these
areas suggests general movement toward improvement in the well-being
of children. An actual decline in the number of sexual abuse cases
seems more plausible in the context of such a trend than it would if
the other factors had not improved.

More attention has been focused on child sexual abuse during the
past two decades [1980-2000] than on any other form of child
maltreatment. It should not be surprising that its decline would
come before and be greater than that of other forms of maltreatment.

Prevention and intervention efforts have included school-based
prevention education, treatment programs for juvenile and adult
offenders, and greatly enhanced resources for criminal justice
investigation and prosecution. It is reasonable to think that, given
the scale of these efforts, they have had some success in preventing
or intervening in sexual abuse.

The relatively inconsistent evidence for other explanations of the
decline in the number of sexual abuse cases also supports the
possibility of a true decline in sexual abuses....

The other explanations do not lack evidence. Indeed, some states clearly
have made statistical and administrative changes that have contributed to
the decline. There is evidence both that allegations involving very
young children have declined more, perhaps because such cases have
less credibility, and that cases involving young perpetrators may
have declined because they are seen as outside the purview of the
child protection system. Evidence from at least one state is
consistent with the possibility that some of the decline in
substantiated cases of sexual abuse may be due to a backlash against
those who report it.

Taken together, however, the evidence for these other explanations
seems to exist only in some places or to explain only a small
portion of the decline in substantiated cases. The decline has been
so widespread geographically and has occurred across so many
categories of children, offenders, types of abuse, and types of
evidence that a true decline can be considered as at least one part
of the overall picture.

Concerns About Future Funding

Many observers of the decline in the number of substantiated sexual
abuse cases, including state officials, have seemed resistant to the
possibility that the numbers represent a true decline, preferring
almost any other explanation as an alternative. This attitude may
stem from a concern that if people believe sexual abuse is waning,
their vigilance and concern about the problem and willingness to
support funding will disappear. Increasing numbers of cases were
part of what mobilized people and resources during the 1980s, so
declining numbers of cases might have the opposite effect.

Although social problems go through a well-recognized
issue/attention cycle and some changes have occurred in the media
attitude toward sexual abuse, there are reasons to doubt that a true
decline in incidence of the current magnitude could, if recognized,
result in a massive desertion of interest or funding.

For one, the public and professional interest in the issue of sexual
abuse has roots that go far beyond the matter of whether it involves
50,000 or 150,000 cases per year, and relate to the now well-established
role that it plays in discussions of family problems, gender relations,
sexuality, and mental health. The high-profile public and
professional role this problem has achieved in recent years will not
easily change.

Second, the other social problems discussed above
that also have experienced recent declines do not appear to have
suffered any social policy desertion as a result. Homicide, crime,
and teen pregnancy are all still issues of ongoing serious policy
attention, despite their declines, because they remain serious
problems even at reduced levels.

The declines may, in fact, have spurred policy interest because problems
that fester for a long time without improvement in spite of considerable
policy attention become frustrating. Policymakers and the public can become
discouraged and decide that such problems are beyond immediate solution.

Signs of success from social initiatives can provide the public and
policymakers with energy and justification for expanded efforts to
reinforce what appears to be working. Of course, the factors
influencing public interest and policymaking are complex, but there
is no strong reason to believe that evidence of a true decline in
sexual abuse by itself will have negative effects on the policy
environment around the problem.

The Need to Identify Reasons for Decline

Because social policy benefits from understanding the factors that
result in success, the hypothesis that sexual abuse has declined
should be accepted, and identifying the reasons why it has declined
should be a priority. It is extremely important that lessons be
drawn from a change of this magnitude in a social problem that has
been considered so widespread and corrosive to the well-being of
children, families, and communities. Several initiatives might be
considered to deepen our understanding.

First, more intensive studies need to be undertaken in individual
localities where a full inventory of explanations could be
considered, with both quantitative and qualitative evidence
available. In individual localities, it may be easier to observe how
policy and programmatic changes, including prosecution initiatives,
treatment resources, and educational programs, may have been
sequenced with the onset or acceleration of a decline in sexual
abuse.

In addition, localities with different trend patterns (steady
declines, increases, no change, and fluctuating patterns) should be
compared with one another, and it might be useful if such localities
were in the same state and were comparable in other ways. Some local
studies might center around the case records of investigative
agencies that have maintained stable policies, catchment areas, and
detailed recordkeeping practices over a long period, from which it
might be ascertained more accurately how case characteristics have
changed over time.

It would also greatly help the analysis of the current decline and
future trends if data systems relating to relevant factors would be
expanded, enhanced, and improved. Currently, data on sex crimes
against children are artificially divided between the child
protective system and the law enforcement system in a way that
prohibits a comprehensive assessment of trends in the whole problem.

Data from state child protection systems are not gathered in ways
that are comparable across jurisdictions; therefore, comparisons of
the effects of different policy environments are difficult. In the
justice area, systematic information is not readily available on the
demographics of persons prosecuted, convicted, incarcerated, or
treated for sex crimes against children.

In addition, an understanding of the reasons for the decline has
been greatly hampered by the failure of communities to evaluate
their varied prevention and intervention efforts. More effort should
be made prospectively to observe trends and outcomes as communities
implement various prosecution, treatment, community, and
school-based educational efforts. In this way, a better inventory of
the more and less successful strategies could be tracked in
conjunction with the relative decline in different locales.

Researchers may not be able to fully answer the question of why this
most recent decline has occurred; however, it is important to be
better prepared to understand the sources of any continuing or
future declines. To what extent do prevention education, increased
public awareness, greater prosecution, and incarceration play roles?

Answering such questions can help policymakers formulate policies
that will extend and accelerate the decline in sexual abuse and,
perhaps, in other forms of child maltreatment.

Books

* Paul R. Abramson. A House Divided: Suspicions of
Mother-Daughter Incest (Based on a True Story). New York: Norton, 2001.

* Devon B. Adams. Summary of State Sex Offender Registries.
Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice
Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2002.

* Leigh Baker. Protecting Your Children from Sexual Predators.
New York: St. Martin's, 2002.

* Kevin Bales. Disposable People: New Slavery in the Global
Economy. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1999.

* David Race Bannon. Race Against Evil: The Secret Missions of
the Interpol Agent Who Tracked the World's Most Sinister Criminals:
A Real-Life Drama. Far Hills, NJ: New Horizons, 2003.

* Kathryn Brohl. When Your Child Has Been Molested: A Parents'
Guide to Healing and Recovery. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2004.

* Amitai Etzioni. The Limits of Privacy. New York: Basic Books,
1999.

* Linda Lee Foltz. Kids Helping Kids Break the Silence of Sexual
Abuse. Pittsburgh: Lighthouse Point, 2003.

* David France. Our Fathers: The Secret Life of the Catholic
Church in an Age of Scandal. New York: Broadway, 2004.

* Amy Hammel-Zabin. Conversations with a Pedophile: In the
Interest of Our Children. Fort Lee, NJ: Barricade, 2003.

* Judith Levine. Harmful to Minors: The Perils of Protecting
Children from Sex. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2002.

* Stephen G. Michaud. The Evil That Men Do: FBI Profiler Roy
Hazelwood's Journey into the Minds of Sexual Predators. New York:
St. Martin's, 1999.

* Jan Morrison. A Safe Place: A Guidebook for Living Beyond
Sexual Abuse. Colorado Springs, CO: Waterbrook, 2002.

* Dorothy Rabinowitz. No Crueler Tyrannies: Accusations, False
Witness, and Other Terrors of Our Times. New York: Simon & Schuster,
2003.

* Donna Rafanello. Can't Touch My Soul: A Guide for Lesbian
Survivors of Child Sexual Abuse. Los Angeles: Alyson, 2004.

* Sue Righthand. Juveniles Who Sexually Offend: A Review of the
Professional Literature. Washington, DC: Office of Juvenile Justice
and Delinquency Prevention, 2001.

* Lori S. Robinson. I Will Survive: The African-American Guide
to Healing from Sexual Assault and Abuse. New York: Seal, 2003.

* Anna C. Salter. Predators: Pedophiles, Rapists, and Other Sex
Offenders: Who They Are, How They Operate, and How We Can Protect
Ourselves and Our Children. New York: Basic Books, 2003.

* Christiane Sanderson. The Seduction of Children: Empowering
Parents and Teachers to Protect Children from Child Sexual Abuse.
New York: Jessica Kingsley, 2004.

* A.W. Richard Sipe. Celibacy in Crisis: A Secret World
Revisited. New York: Brunner-Routledge, 2003.

* Holly A. Smith. Fire of the Five Hearts: A Memoir of Treating
Incest. New York: Brunner-Routledge, 2002.

* Robin D. Stone. No Secrets, No Lies: How Black Families Can
Heal from Sexual Abuse. New York: Broadway, 2004.

* Max Taylor and Ethel Quayle. Child Pornography: An Internet
Crime. New York: Brunner-Routledge, 2003.

* Pnina Tobin. Keeping Kids Safe: A Child Sexual Abuse
Prevention Manual. Alameda, CA: Hunter House, 2002.

Periodicals

* Jeffrey Bartholet. "The Web's Dark Secret," Newsweek, March
19, 2001.

* Sandra G. Boodman. "How Deep the Scars of Abuse? Some Victims
Crippled; Others Stay Resilient," Washington Post, July 29, 2002.

* Tom Chiarella. "My Education," Esquire, May 2003.

* John Cloud. "Pedophilia," Time, April 29, 2002.

* Kevin Culligan. "Sacred Rage and Rebuilding the Church: Jesus
Shows How Emotions Can Move Us to Action," National Catholic
Reporter, September 13, 2002.

* Theodore Dalrymple. "Our Great Societal Neverland," National
Review, December 22, 2003.

* Judy Dutton. "Why She Slept with Her Student," Redbook, August
2002.

* Catherine Edwards. "Sex-Slave Trade Is Thriving," Insight on
the News, August 13, 2001.

* Marilyn Elias. "Gays and the Catholic Church Sex Abuse
Crisis," USA Today, July 16, 2002.

* Annette Foglino. "Teachers Who Prey on Kids: Why They're Still
Going Free," Good Housekeeping, December 1, 2003.

* David France. "Confessions of a Fallen Priest," Newsweek,
April 1, 2002.

* Bill Hewitt. "Breaking the Silence: Often Shamed and Ignored,
Victims of Sexual Abuse by Priests Are Speaking Out, Putting
Pressure on the Catholic Church to Confront the Problem Once and for
All," People Weekly, April 1, 2002.

* Toni Cavanagh Johnson. "Sexualized Children and Children Who
Molest," SIECUS Report, October/November 2000.

* Tamara Jones. "The Predator in the Classroom: It's Called
'Pass the Trash,'" Good Housekeeping, May 2003.

* Linda Marsa. "Treat the Abuser, Reduce the Risk?" Los Angeles
Times, May 13, 2002.

* Liza Mundy. "America's Dirty Little Secret," Redbook,
September 2001.

* Warren Richey. "Megan's Law Faces High-Court Test," Christian
Science Monitor, November 13, 2002.

* Kit R. Roane. "The Long Arm of Abuse," U.S. News & World
Report, May 6, 2002.

* Stephen J. Rossetti. "The Catholic Church and Child Sexual
Abuse: Distortions, Complexities and Resolutions," America, April
22, 2002.

* Jessica Snyder Sachs. "Preventing the Unthinkable: Are You
Doing All You Can to Protect Your Child from Sexual Abuse?"
Parenting, October 1, 2003.

* Allen Salkin. "'My Female Pastor Molested Me,'" Cosmopolitan,
August, 2002.

* Brandon Spun. "Closed Doors and Childhoods Lost," Insight on
the News, January 28, 2002.

* Richard E. Vatz. "Sexual Predator Statutes and Psychiatric
Confusion," USA Today Magazine, July 2001.

* Wendy Murray Zoba. "The Hidden Slavery," Christianity Today,
November 2003.