... Who Have Not Engaged in Child Sexual Abuse

• The References are presented here in a separate Word file:
  < sense_of_life_stories_references.docx >

Abstract

Minor-attracted persons (MAPs) who have not engaged in child sexual abuse are a largely hidden and under-researched population (... ...). The interchangeable use of non-offending MAPs and child sexual offenders in public narratives and media representations frames adult attraction to minors primarily as a criminal justice issue. Consequently, non-offending MAPs face significant stigma and profound invisibility
and are frequently depicted as criminals (...). 

This study used critical narrative analysis (CNA) (Langdridge & Hall, 2007) to explore how six non-offending MAPs narrate their lives. The participants’ stories revealed the diverse and complex ways they constructed their identities in a society which often presumes they are inherently dangerous. 

The findings highlight how participants develop personal narratives in the absence of master narratives available in society and how this shapes the development of sexual identity among non-offending MAPs. These stories also reflect a collective effort to challenge deeply ingrained societal views of MAPs. 

Drawing on queer theory as a hermeneutic of suspicion, the analysis examines how the categorization and pathologizing of sexualities produce oppression within participants’ life stories. The CNA approach provided a critical framework for discussing this marginalized group, contributing to a deeper contextual understanding of how the absence of culturally accepted frameworks shapes the development of sexual identity among non-offending MAPs.

Introduction

This paper presents findings from a study using critical narrative analysis (CNA) (Langridge, 2007) to explore how six non-offending minor-attracted persons (MAPs) construct their life stories, providing a rich account of their lived experiences.
This study aimed to enhance the understanding of non-offending MAP, which can aid in management and treatment planning, open doors to support, and reduce the stigma
surrounding the topic (Cantor & McPhail, 2016).

The term MAP was popularized by B4U-ACT, a USbased peer-led support organization, often used in academic research (Jahnke et al., 2022). It has been adopted by many researchers as an umbrella term in lieu of accurate or suitable diagnostic alternatives and reflects the breadth of attractions to minors that are observed within this population (...). 

MAPs may be attracted to prepubescent (pedophilic), pubescent (hebephilic), or postpubescent (ephebophilic) minors, with patterns ranging from exclusive to mixed-age attractions (... ... ....). The term does not indicate whether someone has engaged in sexual contact with a minor and is used in this paper to avoid the stigmatizing connotations of
“pedophile” and not to mislabel participants. 

It is a common misconception that individuals who identify as MAPs are synonymous with child sex offenders (CSOs) (... ... ...). 
In reality, only about half of those who commit CSA [Child Sexual Abuse] meet diagnostic criteria for pedophilic or hebephilic attraction (... ... ...), as not all CSA is driven by sexual interest in minors (...). Importantly, many MAPs are committed to never acting on their attraction and live offense-free lives (... ... ...). Distinguishing between attraction and behavior is critical for reducing stigma, improving understanding, and developing appropriate support services. 

Research on MAPs has traditionally focused on forensic settings, often without distinguishing whether the participants had a sexual interest in minors (...). Recent studies have begun to explore MAPs in community contexts; however, non-offending perspectives remain underrepresented (... ...). 
Evidence suggests that nonoffending MAPs, a largely hidden population, often experience significant mental health challenges and suicidal ideation but avoid seeking support due to stigma and fears of disclosure (...). Despite this, little is known about
how the lived experiences of non-offending MAPs inform their needs in non-forensic contexts (...).

This underrepresentation may be reflective of early research being rooted in forensic settings, and more recent studies in the community have primarily focused on prevention
of CSA (Walker, 2021). While prevention is important, it can reinforce societal suspicion that all MAPs are “potential offenders” (... ...) and risks excluding those who have never offended and do not perceive themselves to be at risk of doing so (...). 

[... ...]
It is therefore important for research to focus on non-offending samples, beyond a
risk-prevention lens, and challenge dominant narratives that conflate minor attraction with offending. 

What Do We Know About the Life Experiences of Non‑Offending Minor‑Attracted Persons?

Stigma toward MAPs is a growing research focus, as Walker (2021) highlighted compassion is often misread as condoning abuse, although empathy and child safety are not opposing concerns. Similarly, Jahnke and Hoyer (2013) highlighted how studies on the stigma concerning MAPs was a relatively new area of study, potentially due to the discomfort with acknowledging MAPs as stigmatized because it suggests that they are victims. [...]

Stigma has serious consequences, including marginalization, dehumanization, internalized stigma, and heightened mental health needs among MAPs (... ... ...). 
[...] 
Disclosure often evokes fear, rejection, and punishment, regardless of offending status
(... ... ...), and typically occurs only at points of desperation. While some individuals confide in friends or family, Elchuk et al. (2021) found that disclosure reduced distress only when met with understanding and support.

Barriers within professional settings are reinforced by a lack of clinical training and preparedness. Although nearly 75% of MAPs in one study sought professional support, fewer than half found it helpful (Levenson & Grady, 2019). Clinicians often hold stigmatizing attitudes or lack adequate training (Jahnke et al., 2015; Seto, 2012), leaving many ill-prepared to respond effectively to disclosures of minor attraction
(... ... ...). 

[... ...] 
Levenson and Grady (2018) reported that MAPs who found professional help useful generally encountered therapists who were non-judgmental, knowledgeable about 
MAP issues, emphasized reducing distress over changing attraction, and employed a person-centered approach. These findings underscore the importance of services that understand MAPs’ lived experiences and provide responsive, nonjudgmental care, thereby reducing risks of suicide and abuse while improving clinical outcomes.

Alongside these barriers, non-offending MAPs adopt diverse strategies to manage their stigmatized attraction.

• Some rely on avoidance or repression (...), which has been shown to be maladaptive and associated with poorer mental health outcomes (... ... ). 
• Others emphasize acceptance, overcoming guilt, and cultivating optimism as healthier approaches (...). 

Stevens and Woods (2019) further identified effective coping strategies, including 

• psychological treatment, 
• healthy lifestyle choices, and 
• acceptance-based approaches, 
• with many forum members reporting that therapy and mindfulness in particular reduced depression and suicidal ideation. 

Walker (2021) also notes that having supportive friends, family, or online communities can reduce isolation and alleviate emotional burden. Understanding how non-offending MAPs navigate stigma informs more ethical and effective interventions, as well as identity construction, particularly given the absence of a culturally available narrative for non-offending MAPs (...).

However, much research on non-offending MAP coping emphasizes individual-level strategies, rarely considering systemic factors that influence the ability to cope safely and effectively. [...] 
Additionally, coping is often treated as a static phenomenon rather than a dynamic, context-sensitive process influenced by many factors. [...] 
Extreme stigma continues to block access to treatment, support, and self-acceptance. 
[...] 
As Shields et al. (2020) report, young MAPs in their study expressed a strong need for positive role models, affirming messages, and social support systems that show it is possible to live ethically and meaningfully without offending.

Contextualizing the Lives of Non‑Offending Minor‑Attracted Persons

Research on non-offending MAPs has primarily focused on individual-level processes such as 

• coping strategies, 
• identity management, 
• internalized stigma, and 
• barriers to helpseeking,
• offering valuable insights 

but often overlooking the broader political, historical, and cultural contexts in which
these experiences are situated (...).  
More broadly, sexuality research highlights that sociocultural factors are essential to understanding sexual identities and experiences, as sexuality cannot be explained through psychology alone (...). 
Applying this perspective to MAP related research is crucial, as neglecting it risks presenting MAP as decontextualized individuals, disconnected from the social and cultural forces shaping their lives (...). 

Instead, Hammack (2005) advocates a life-course perspective, viewing sexual identity as an ongoing process shaped by 

• biology, 
• culture, 
• history, 
• relationships, and 
• narrative
  meaning-making, 

rather than as a fixed endpoint. 

In terms of narrative meaning, Hammack and Cohler (2011) emphasize that personal narratives are shaped by cultural master narratives. Applying a narrative perspective to non-offending MAPs across the life course can illuminate the interaction between individual and societal narratives, showing how master narratives influence self-concept, stigma experiences, and social interactions. This approach situates MAPs’ experiences
within broader social, cultural, and temporal contexts, rather than framing them as isolated or purely psychological phenomena.

Master narratives, defined as “culturally shared stories that guide thoughts, beliefs, values, and behaviours” (McLean & Syed, 2016, p. 323), are rooted in historical, cultural, and social contexts. Master narratives provide a framework through which individuals interpret their lives and understand societal norms. 

According to McLean and Syed (2016) when personal experiences do not align with these dominant stories, individuals may create alternative narratives to resist or challenge them. 

It is argued that master narrative is deeply embedded within systems of power, therefore alternative narratives, while offering individuals meaningful resources for identity construction and self-expression, typically operate as “sites of resistance” rather than as complete replacements of the master narratives (...).

For non-offending MAPs, there are no socially accepted master narratives to draw upon in constructing personal narratives or making sense of their attraction to minors. Many
prevailing master narratives surrounding attraction to minors conflate such attraction with offending behavior or depict it as inherently pathological, framing non-offending MAPs as disordered or as criminal risks who require treatment or surveillance, rather than as individuals capable of living responsibly and safely (Walker, 2021). 

Similarly, master narratives grounded in heteronormativity, the assumption that heterosexuality and binary gender roles are societal norms (Warner, 1991), marginalize, pathologize, or render invisible other sexualities and gender identities, further reinforcing stigma against those who do not conform. Attending to these master 
narratives illuminates the complex interplay between self and society and underscores the importance of developing a more contextualized understanding of the lived experiences of non-offending MAPs (...).

Current Study

Non-offending MAPs face intense stigma and significant mental health challenges, yet they are less likely to seek support due to societal assumptions that they will inevitably
offend (... ... ...).
Existing research has largely focused on MAPs individual psychology, often neglecting the wider political, historical, and social contexts that shape lived experiences (...). 

This study asked how non-offending MAPs make sense of their attraction through the stories they tell, using CNA [critical narrative analysis](Langridge, 2009) as a framework to examine the relationship between self and society (Hammock, 2011). 
By critically exploring these narratives, the study highlights not only personal meaning-making but also the social and political conditions that inform it, offering a more holistic view of non-offending MAP experiences. 

This research study explored the life stories of non-offending MAPs. The design of the study was qualitative, allowing for an in-depth exploration of the subjective experiences
of non-offending MAPs. 
This study uses narrative inquiry to situate non-offending MAPs’ lived experiences within broader social and historical contexts, prioritizing their own meaning-making and amplifying marginalized voices (... ...). 
Life story interviews were conducted, and the data were analyzed using CNA developed
by Langdridge (2007). CNA aims to gain contextually grounded insights into how individuals construct meaning within broader sociocultural and historical contexts. It 
positions the researcher as a co-construction of knowledge rather than objectively searching of universal truths, which acknowledges the multiple standpoints of both participants and researchers, and situates research within its context.

Method

Participants

Participants were required to be 18 years or older, selfidentify as attracted to pre-pubescent or pubescent children (Tanner stages 1–3), and report no history of acting on 
their attraction or involvement in criminal proceedings. 
Six individuals (five men and one woman), aged 19 to approximately 60 and from European and North American backgrounds, shared their personal narratives. The participants were not exclusively attracted to MAPs; 

• three were (or had been) married and had children, 
• two identified as gay, and 
• one identified as queer.

Although 26 volunteered, the first six were selected to minimize selection bias. 
[... ... ...] This study’s sample size of six was chosen to balance analytic breadth with depth.

Procedure

Recruitment advertisements were posted on the B4UACT forum and website. B4UACT is a US-based organization founded in 2003 by Michael Melsheimer to help MAPs 
access mental health services. The advert instructed participants to create a temporary email with a pseudonym for anonymity. 

[...]  All screened participants joined the study. [...]

Measures

Data were collected through semi-structured online interviews (Skype, Zoom, or phone), each lasting 90 – 120 min, which were audio-recorded, transcribed verbatim, and
anonymized. 
A life story approach (...) guided the process, with participants asked in advance to imagine their lives as a book and create chapter titles for each stage. 
This encouraged storytelling, built rapport, and eased discussion of sensitive topics, while eliciting narratives that captured both key events and broader themes of identity
and meaning-making (...). 

The interview then moved to open-ended questions exploring participants’ experiences and understandings of their attraction, following Willig’s (2008) advice to progress from broad to sensitive topics. 
Follow-up questions drew on themes from previous research, such as sexual development, disclosure, and stigma, serving as flexible prompts rather than a fixed framework.
Reflective notes on the process, personal impact, and initial impressions were recorded, which informed subsequent analysis and writing.

Data Analytic Strategy: Critical Narrative Analysis

The data analysis followed Langdridge’s (2007) hermeneutic  circle of CNA, which combines phenomenological narrative methods with critical theory. Phenomenology respects subjectivity and lived experience, while critical theory highlights the ideological positions shaping narratives. Together, CNA enabled exploration of non-offending MAPs’ experiences and reflection on power dynamics, making it suitable for politically charged topics.

The analysis followed six non-discrete stages. 

First, illusions of subjectivity were critiqued by reflecting on how the researcher’s interests and identities shaped the study. This highlights the researcher’s role within CNA as a co-constructor of meaning, recognizing that both participants’ narratives and the interpretive process are shaped by social and cultural contexts; therefore, maintaining reflexivity throughout the research was essential to critically examine how the researcher’s assumptions and positionality influenced the analysis. 

Second, participants’ transcripts were examined for overarching narratives, sub-stories, tone, and rhetorical function. 

Third, identity work was analyzed by exploring how participants positioned themselves and construct their identities within these stories.

Fourthly, thematic priorities and relationships were then examined, shifting focus from individual stories to crossnarrative patterns. Each participant’s account was first analyzed separately before similarities, differences, and recurring themes were identified across narratives. Themes that most clearly captured participants’ experiences were then 
refined and explored in relation to one another, highlighting both consistency and variation in meaning-making. This process allowed for the development of a coherent crossparticipant narrative, which formed the basis for later analysis.

Fifthly, the following stage involved destabilizing the narratives using queer theory as a critical lens to interrogate assumptions and open space for alternative readings. Broadly
speaking, queer theory can be seen as an interrogation of the “normal” and the notion of identity categories as oppression (Browne & Nash, 2010). 
It has developed as a critical response to normative beliefs around gender, identity and  the “unity, stability, viability, and political utility of sexual identities” (Gamson, 1995, p. 397) by emphasizing the fluidity and diversity of sexual identities. 
In doing so, queer theory promotes inclusivity and recognition of diverse lived  experiences by challenging the notion that heterosexuality is the default, while other forms of sexual expression are deviations or abnormalities. 
Queer hermeneutics is appropriate and valuable for this research because it offers a radically different way of viewing and challenging assumptions about gender, sex, and sexuality. 
Queer theory is applied to the six participants' life stories, outlining how the binaries of 
“normal” and “abnormal” sexualities had closed down other ways for the participants to tell their life stories. 

In the sixth stage, the data were synthesized into an analytic summary.

Results

This article focuses on stages four, five and six. Through systemic reading of the text, five themes were identified across the six participants’ life stories. The text was revisited multiple times to repeatedly refine themes and the relationships between them. The five themes are summarized below.

Foreshadowing Childhood Narratives

Each participant devoted a significant part of their narrative to childhood, setting a foreshadowing tone for later life chapters and offering insights into early identity formation. 

A recurring theme was struggle, difference, and outsider status. 
While not directly tied to minor attraction, these experiences shaped how participants later understood and navigated their identities. As McAdams (1996) notes, early life stories establish a narrative tone that influences how individuals interpret and give meaning to their lives. 

Participant 1 described feeling different from others, even before becoming aware of her
marginalized identities:

• "….the second one [life chapter] is called an ugly duckling because when I was very little I didn’t fit in anywhere and people did notice I was different…" - Participant 1

Her "ugly duckling" chapter captured childhood feelings of alienation and rejection. She framed herself as a misunderstood victim, highlighting society’s lack of compassion for 
those who defy norms. This tone of exclusion foreshadowed later struggles with minor attraction and other identities. 

Similarly, Participant 5 began his narrative with the revelation that he discovered his adoption as an adult. Coupled with being much younger than his siblings, he described his early life as marked by exclusion, outsider status, and secrecy.

• "….I grew up in a big family and I was very much younger than my siblings….when I was 29 and already living overseas I found out (laughs) I had been adopted as a baby […..] … it kind of plays a role in the dynamic I think I realized later having been around a big secret my whole life that was intimately about me but I am not in on that secret..." - Participant 5

The discovery of his adoption, and the secrecy surrounding it, set a narrative tone of complexity around his identity development and disconnection. This carried into later life, where being excluded from a truth central to his identity mirrored the later pressures to conceal other parts of the self and work hard at confirming to more acceptable identities.

Participant Six also described feeling different from peers in
childhood, though with less emotional weight: 

• "You know this is primary school I was five years old to ten years old I didn’t have friends and it didn’t bother me but looking back I can re-analyze situations interactions and pick out where, erm, pick out where things just flew over my head, erm, you know" - Participant 6

Participant 6 acknowledged social disconnection but reported little distress, maintaining an indifferent tone toward being “different.” This detachment shaped how he later framed his minor attraction and queer identity, not through shame or struggle, but through distance from stigma. 
Furthermore, many participants also recalled early exposure to shaming messages about sex, sexuality, and gender. These formative experiences of silence, stigma, and confusion strongly influenced how they later understood their attractions.

• "….it ended up that his dad is gay and at that time first of all very little talk about it at all and erm if it was talked about it was just derogatory terms, back in the day 40 or 50 years now it’s so different now…" – Participant 5
• "….I think the first one is called a new piece of rubbish in the landfill because I was born in a bit of a not a very good situation … people became extra religious erm
  ….my country has LGBT free zones you know all that good stuff ha-ha…"
  – Participant 1
• "…..they brought us into a room when we were about 12 years old if you masturbate it’s committing murder it’s killing thousands of people every time you did it and I 
  always give the joke that I was so terrified that I would go home and masturbate [laughs]... it was traumatising … sexuality was so taboo… the problem is Jesus didn’t have a sexuality.. – Participant 3

For Participants 1 and 5, early exposure to homophobia had a lasting impact on how they processed and internalized their emerging sexual attractions. 
For Participant 3, early sexual repression was distressing, yet he later framed his attraction to minors as an act of rebellion against religious doctrine, a dynamic that deeply shaped his adult self-narrative. 
These childhood accounts function as narrative foreshadowing, anticipating the emotional and moral complexities participants later faced when grappling with their sexuality.

Ultimately, these childhood narratives played an informative role in setting the tone for how participants positioned themselves within their broader life stories. While much of
the existing research on sexuality and sexual identity has historically focused on adolescence or early adulthood (Savin-Williams, 2005), the life course perspective adopted in this study foregrounds the often-overlooked significance of early childhood in the construction and negotiation of sexual identity.

Narratives of Awareness

While each participant’s account of becoming aware of their attraction to minors was idiosyncratic, most traced its emergence to adolescence, even if they did not adopt a MAP identity at that time. 
Common themes included generational differences and the influence of the internet in facilitating identity development and access to alternative narratives. 
Younger participants often recognized and labeled their attractions earlier, frequently alongside other minority identities such as queer, gay, lesbian, polyamorous, or boy-/girllover. 
They drew on contemporary language around sexuality, embracing ideas of fluidity and minority pride, with the internet playing a crucial role by offering communities outside heteronormative scripts.

Participant 1 same-sex attraction emerged alongside her MAP identity. While she self-identified as a MAP at a young age, she struggled to find community, particularly due to the lack of visible young female MAPs in online spaces. 

• "….I was 14…I think at this point I had to confront who I was I was attracted to people younger than myself I mean you know I did have images of children in my 
  mind quite often and stuff like that and I had to confront that.. – Participant 1

Similarly, Participant 2 had self-identified as a MAP and boy-lover as well as gay in his early adolescence: 

• "I was 14... I stumbled upon a website... I realized I had an attraction to young boys...  I made a couple of friends... it didn’t cause me any distress... I wanted to learn more about this part of myself and talk to other people about it but it didn’t cause me any distress or any psychological you know issues…" – Participant 2

For Participant 2, the internet provided a space for curiosity, self-reflection, and peer support without immediate stigma or psychological distress. 

Similarly, Participant 6 also described not being concerned around this sexuality.

• "I haven’t really made that much sense of it…. you don’t have to make sense of your preference of chocolate or vanilla…. it’s my sexuality it doesn’t get me down I don’t think about it a lot, so I had the luxury of not having to come to terms with it
  – Participant 6

For Participant 6, access to the internet also enabled him to find role models regarding sexual diversity. 

The younger adults, Participant 1, 2, and 6, highlighted the internet’s role in enabling anonymity, exploration, and connection with supportive peers. 

In contrast, the older adult participants took longer to name or accept their MAP identities. 
For instance, Participant 3 and 4 consciously acknowledged their attraction in his early 20s, though later recognized signs from earlier experiences:

• "I was maybe 22 or 23... the girls were maybe nine or ten... and I got aroused .... I almost took the attitude this kind of sounds a bit sexist but it’s around a lot there are
  big chicks and little chicks it’s almost like it’s no big deal because it’s girls and they’re young..." – Participant 3
• "I knew it was wrong to act on it but I assumed that every male was attracted to girls." – Participant 4

Although initially uncertain about labels, participants did not report distress, possibly because their early attractions were same-sex and directed toward younger girls, as they
both described homophobic rhetoric in their upbringing. 

Also, for Participants 3 and 4, these experiences were further normalized by family members’ abusive behavior toward girls. However, both described struggling with internalized stigma linked to the stereotype of the “pedophilic character” in their later chapters when they began adopting their MAP identity. 

On the other hand, Participant 5 described becoming aware of attractions to younger boys around age 14, followed by years of confusion and denial before acceptance.

• "I became very aware... but definitely did not feel safe, so I kept it inside... I continued to be tormented by crushes I dared not act on. – Participant 5 

Raised in a homophobic environment, Participant 5 felt unable to disclose or process his same-sex or MAP attractions, both of which seemed equally taboo. Lacking affirming 
narratives, he struggled to see himself as anything other than deviant (...). 

By contrast, younger participants such as 1, 2, and 6 identified as MAP earlier, likely due to access online communities and alternative narratives. Similarly, Savin-Williams (2005) found generational differences when researching LGBTQ+ youth.

Working Hard at Identity

From the outset, participants positioned themselves against the dominant narrative that equates minor attraction with inevitable offending. As their life stories did not include
instance of CSA, they explicitly challenged this societal misconception and highlighted the stigma attached to being a MAP:

• "…. I wish they didn’t conflate paedophile with molester but that is what a lot of people think so I think in my mind oh they hate because they think I have offended…." – Participant 1
• "I think the most hurtful thing is when experts tend to conflate [CSA and paedophilia]" – Participant 3
• "I don’t think it’s purposeful they just don’t know much about it it’s uninformed, it’s ignorance [….] I think education can change that…." – Participant 2

Participants framed this stigma as a product of societal ignorance rather than personal failings. The inescapability of the stigma that surrounded these participants, made it obvious why it seemed that dismissal of the stereotype. 

All participants recognized their deviation from the heteronormative life course and the stereotype that all MAPs will offend. In response, they engaged in rhetorical strategies to construct more acceptable identities (McLean et al., 2017).
A key approach was anchoring their narratives in culturally valued traits to counter harmful stereotypes and master narratives. Participants often described themselves with qualities that oppose the dominant public image of a MAP, such as 

• compassionate, 
• responsible, 
• protective, 
• self-controlled and
• non-judgmental, 

some participants emphasizing their protective roles as fathers.

• "…. I’m compassionate you know I believe in unconditional compassion so thankful these people who wish me dead I can see where they are coming from but it
  is not ok…." – Participant 1
• "… I can accept really anybody and anything and that’s a wonderful place to be it makes me approachable for any other person I can feel that and so I realize that the
  great test is the great gift it’s like Spiderman …." – Participant 5 

Likewise, Participants 3 and 4 described themselves as responsible adults, despite the lack of positive role models in their childhoods:

• "I come from a strong conservative spiritual root ... my father was an alcoholic ... but I chose not to drink, to exercise self-control." – Participant 3
• "The main part was coming to grips with my sexuality and being responsible... I didn’t become a gymnastics coach because there’s so much touching in that sport."
  – Participant 4

By emphasizing self-control and ethical decision-making, participants positioned themselves against dominant cultural fears, constructing alternative identities grounded in care and restraint. Some participants managed deviating from master narratives but arguing what was considered “normal” and deciding opt out of what was regarded as culturally acceptable. Most notably, Participant 6 defined himself as a “social
warrior”.

• "…. maybe until 13 and 14 and I had this awakening … being a social communist warrior and fighting for feminism and free liberation [….] groups there should be a group for MAPs there should be a pride movement I would like the queer movement generally to accept MAPs … I hate that this is a controversial statement .…" 
  – Participant 6

Participant 6 life story emphasizes how he decided to resist assimilation to the norms, arguing against the power structures of society.

While most MAPs lack a “tellable” narrative that grants social acceptance, participants used different rhetorical strategies to negotiate this. Some aligned themselves with
socially valued norms, while Participant 6 challenged them entirely. Both approaches reflect the need to construct meaningful identities in the face of stigma. As Pedersen (2017) argues, MAPs must become their own storytellers to resist master narratives and reclaim their sense of self.

Additionally, participants demonstrated diverse ways of integrating their attraction to minors into their broader sense of self. For some, this attraction was central to their identity, shaping their worldview, relationships, and personal values.
Foucault (1978) suggested that sexuality plays a key role in how individuals understand themselves, an idea echoed by several participants. Some of the participants included their attraction to minors as a large part of their identity, and who they were:

• ".… Well you know I think that she is my mother obviously I just wanted to tell her and be honest with her, it’s a huge part of me of who I am ...." – Participant 2
• "…. my sexuality is very much part of me and how I see the world so I don’t and that’s why I have said to people if you could take a pill and change it would you? ... I
  would I’d be terrified …" – Participant 4 

On the other hand, other participants viewed their attraction as just a small aspect of their identity, something that, while significant, did not dominate their sense of self. For 
them, their attraction was a private matter, one piece of a much larger identity mosaic that included a range of interests, values, and social roles.

• "…. and I think my sexuality ..eh.. I don’t know because at the same time I didn’t think sexuality again if anything it’s notable of my absence impacting this because I 
  think I have this experience as a MAP not really affecting my life…." – Participant 6
• "…. I have to deal with this huge contradiction ha-ha that doesn’t feel like my real self - it’s a perversion of what’s real but to have that contradiction and to live with it…" – Participant 5

These accounts illustrate the complex and individualized ways non-offending MAPs make sense of their identity. As Pedersen (2017) noted, choosing to "include" or "separate" one’s sexuality from the self is a key rhetorical strategy for managing stigma.

Narratives of Ending: Redemption in Dystopia

In their final chapters, many participants constructed what Bauer and McAdams (2010) term a redemptive narrative. That is, emphasizing moving growth from suffering to an 
enhanced state. Despite living with one of the most stigmatized identities, several MAPs framed their life stories around meaning-making, personal transformation, and resilience.

This type of narrative aligns with what McAdams (2006) refers to as a "redemptive life story," which is common in Western cultural frameworks of identity, especially among 
those seeking to reclaim agency or legitimacy in the face of social stigma.

Participant 3, for instance, began his life story surrounded by abuse and internal struggle, he now is an activist advocating for mental health rights for non-offending MAPs, which creates a very meaningful purpose in his life and demonstrating
a commitment to generativity:

• "... well, as [my wife] mentioned, I get kind of focused in on it [his organization] because it gives me a reason to live in my old age." – Participant 3

Participant 1, after recounting traumatic experiences and positioning herself as a victim, her last few chapters seemed to have a redemptive flavor forecasting a purposeful future
such as Ray of Sun and Oh good therapists do exist: …. it’s called a “ray of sun after the storm” so I was 18 and I was doing martial arts I was making a lot of friends ... I was seeing a clinical psychologist …." – Participant 1

Participant 4, life story charted his movement to an enhanced state, shown by his reflection and the sense he made of his experiences and his journey to self-acceptance:

• "And finally, which is really part four which is more a kind of reflection ... I think I’m able to process a lot of what has happened to me and it’s also the recognition
  that my feelings aren’t going to change and that’s ok but you have to acknowledge those feelings sometimes …." – Participant 4

Similarly, Participant 5 life story contained many stories of struggling with stigma and internal shame. However, in his final chapters he framed his difficulties in a positive context of growth, learning and a “blessing”:

• "… if I really get down to it and I’m trying to say this completely honestly and consider it [minor and samesex attraction] as a great blessing within my life it’s 
  certainly a pretty stimulated almost killed me ..." – Participant 5

By framing their struggles within a redemption narrative, they emphasized positive outcomes, personal growth, and the pursuit of a meaningful life, despite immense 
challenges. The redemptive narratives allowed these participants to reclaim some agency by resisting dehumanizing social narratives but framing their experiences not as a burden but a source of strength and transformation.

McLean and Syed (2016) noted that the redemptive structure is a master narrative that provides an acceptable way to organize a story, even when the content is less acceptable.
While participants’ stories deviated from societal master narratives because of the taboo  nature of their attraction, their use of this familiar structure allowed them to present their experiences somewhat acceptability, buffered by conformity with the structure of telling the story.

However, some participants notably resisted the redemptive structural framework for telling their story. They did not experience their attraction as inherently distressing or problematic and therefore did not adopt a redemptive narrative. Instead, their life stories were more neutral or accepting, suggesting an alternative narrative that challenges the assumption that minor attraction must always be framed through suffering, shame, or moral triumph. 

These accounts highlight the diversity of meaningmaking among MAPs, shaped by the interplay of personal experience, cultural scripts, stigma, and access to alternative 
discourses, rather than there being one "appropriate" way to understand or express this identity.

Destabilizing the Narrative

A critical moment in the participants' stories that can be interrogated through queer theory is when they first became aware of their attraction to minors. Many participants
therefore needed to do significant rhetorical and identity work for many participants as they attempted to reconcile their identities with societal norms, striving to be perceived as “normal” and “good” members of society rather than as deviant or dangerous individuals.

The rigid categorization of sexualities into "normal" and "abnormal" creates a dichotomy that oppresses and marginalizes the narratives of these participants. Queer 
theory, when employed as a hermeneutic of suspicion, offers a valuable lens for examining how these societal constructs and pathologizing of certain sexualities affect 
the lived experiences of non-offending MAPs. By challenging the binaries of “normal” and “abnormal” or “deviant” sexualities, queer theory exposes the ways in which these classifications impose oppressive narratives on individuals, forcing them to continuously prove their normalcy and goodness.

This critical stage of analysis is significant because it not only highlights the pressures faced by non-offending MAPs but also encourages a broader reflection on how the 
enforcement of these binaries impacts those who do not fit neatly within the accepted norms. In doing so, it prompts us to reconsider and resist upholding oppressive narratives that marginalize and stigmatize those in less socially favorable categories. This reflection is essential for creating a more inclusive understanding of human sexuality that acknowledges the complexity of individual experiences without resorting to harmful and reductive labels.

Discussion

This study examined how non-offending MAPs make sense of their minor attraction and construct their life stories within a society that erroneously perceives them as likely
to offend. 

The paper aimed to contribute to research on non-offending MAPs, a largely hidden population, by highlighting not only personal meaning-making but also the social and political conditions that shape these narratives, thereby providing a more comprehensive understanding of non-offending MAP experiences. It also considered how MAPs interpret experiences that do not align with dominant master narratives and how they construct personal narratives in the absence of such frameworks.

Childhood Narratives

In this study, participants’ childhood narratives played a foundational role in shaping their psychological and emotional understanding of self. While not always explicitly referencing sexuality, these early memories provided important cultural and emotional context that later informed how participants made sense of their emerging sexual identity.

This supports McAdams’ (2008) life story theory, which positions childhood as a critical period during which core identity themes begin to develop and influence later narrative
construction. 
Similarly, Hammack and Cohler (2009) argue that identity is constructed narratively through the life course, with early experiences offering symbolic material for later personal and social meaning-making.

To my knowledge, psychological research on the experiences of non-offending MAPs has largely focused discrete life stages or isolated states, such as mental health (...), stigma (...), or help-seeking behavior (...). 
Both, Muir (2018) and Walker (2021) touch on non-offending’s MAP identity  development in the face of profound stigma, highlighting their struggle with concealment, coping strategies and resilience. 

While these studies provide useful insight into identity development, this study highlights the benefit of using a narrative life course perspective, attempting to gauge how non-offending MAPs identity is constructed across the life span and the impacted by social context.

The present study addresses this gap by applying a life story methodology (McAdams, 2008), enabling the exploration of how identity is constructed across time and how participants derive meaning from earlier life stages. By situating childhood as a meaningful phase within the trajectory of sexual identity development, further research
may contribute to a more nuanced understanding of how identity is continuously shaped and reshaped through both individual experience and broader cultural discourses.

Becoming Their Own Story Tellers: Working Hard at Identity

Individuals who deviate from dominant cultural “master narratives” must engage in more complex forms of identity work (...). This is particularly true for non-offending 
MAPs; whose identities are profoundly stigmatized and culturally pathologized. In the absence of socially sanctioned narratives that affirm or legitimize their experiences, MAPs are often left without frameworks through which to construct a coherent and socially acceptable sense of self. 
This was highlighted, in the chapter “Am I a Monster?” by Walker (2021) which discusses the emotional labor involved in identity work among non-offending MAPs due to intense stigma, shame, and fear while attempting to construct a coherent sense of self. As a result, identity work for non-offending MAPs often involves 

• managing secrecy, 
• coping with internalized stigma, and 
• developing ways of understanding their attractions that emphasize ethical commitments not to harm children.

This study found a variation in how participants positioned their MAP identity in relation to their broader sense of self. 

• While some participants described their attraction to minors as a core part of who they are, deeply intertwined with their broader identity, life experiences, and worldview, 
• others described it as just one small aspect of their broader since of self. 

This variation is consistent with existing research that highlights the diversity in how stigmatized identities are internalized and expressed.  [... ... ...] 

Many studies on MAPs recognize the impact of stigma and having to manage fragile and contradictory understandings of identities (... ...).
These findings highlight how these individuals, in profoundly stigmatized positions, engage in complex forms of narrative resistance and identity construction. 

Future research on identity development and stigma management of nonoffending
MAPs may benefit from incorporating narrative approaches that center lived experience, context, and meaning-making processes. This perspective not only enriches theoretical understandings of identity but may also inform clinical, policy, or support frameworks that seek to reduce harm while promoting dignity and humanity. Incorporating an intersectional perspective would also deepen insights into how overlapping minority identities shape unique challenges, vulnerabilities, and opportunities for resilience.

Using Other Master Narratives to Manage Their Attraction to Minors

Understanding how participants managed their deviation from the expected life course (...), which includes societal expectations such as 

• education, 
• graduation, 
• career, 
• marriage, and 
• having children, 

is crucial for gaining a deeper insight into their lived experiences.

One approach they employed was drawing on the redemptive master narrative structure (... ...), which frames struggles as ultimately leading to 

• personal growth, 
• positive resolution where the negative aspects are redeemed, and 
• the story is resolved in a positive light (McAdams, 2006). 

Previous studies have highlighted the challenges faced by MAPs due to the societal
stigma surrounding their attraction (... ... ...). The struggles of participants in this study 
are often resolved through redemptive narratives, which included 

• the struggles they overcame related to the stigma of their minor attraction, 
• finding self-acceptance (... ...), 
• gaining personal insight, 
• experiencing a sense of belonging within a community (albeit often online), 
• developing compassion, 
• engaging in social justice movements, and 
• serving as positive role models for younger MAPs. 

Many participants were motivated to participate in the study to support younger MAPs facing similar difficulties.

Cohler and Hammack (2007) and Hammack et al. (2013) examined how LGBTQ communities construct narrative identities using the cultural scripts available to them during their developmental years. They observed that, from the late 1800s through the 1970s, narratives of struggle and success dominated the psychological literature on sexual minorities.
Hammack et al. (2013) referred to this dominant framing as the 'sickness script,' reflecting the medical model of homosexuality that pathologized same-sex desire. 

In the present study, similar struggle and success narratives emerged among participants, suggesting that these frameworks can operate as adaptive strategies for managing deviation from societal norms.

However, it can be argued on a macro-level that the preference for redemptive narratives may create an expectation that non-offending MAPs can always resolve their difficulties
through individual redemption. This could lead to a neglect of the broader societal and political responsibilities to address and prevent the struggles of MAPs. That is, if we undervalue narratives that remain unresolved, we risk leaving systemic issues unaddressed (...).

Using Alternative Narratives to Make Sense of Their Attraction to Minors

Another way that participants managed deviation from the heterosexual life course is by constructing alternative narratives. 
Some participants expressed curiosity or even pride in their sexual identity, rather than framing their experiences solely within a narrative of struggle and redemption. [...] 
This shift redefined same-sex attraction as a minority identity, giving rise to the notion of the "sexual minority" (Hammack et al., 2011). 
Similarly, some participants adopted this species narrative in relation to their attraction to minors, framing their MAP identity as central to who they were, and as a source of empowerment and community-building.

Furthermore, one participant understood their attraction through a queer identity, drawing on contemporary narratives of sexual diversity and fluidity. They drew on an alternative narrative “of emancipation” (... ...), which rejects rigid categories such as “gay” or “lesbian.” This participant identified as queer, challenging the social, legal, and political restrictions tied to both minor attraction and heteronormative expectations. 

Similarly, this reflects what Hammack et al. (2013) describe as an emerging “subject script,” influenced by queer theory and its focus on sexual fluidity. Savin-Williams (2005) likewise found that younger generations with same-sex attraction often move beyond traditional narratives of struggle and success in gay identity. These are similarly found with the experiences of non-offending MAPs. 
More research is needed to understand the experiences of MAPs with positive self-concepts and good mental health.

Nonetheless, psychological struggle remains part of nonoffending MAPs’ experiences, as minority stress continues to affect mental health (... ... ...). Many participants still drew on redemptive storylines in their accounts. 
Yet, emerging narratives of sexual diversity and fluidity provide alternative frameworks that acknowledge the heterogeneity of MAPs’ developmental trajectories, shaped by shifting sociohistorical contexts of sexuality (...). 
These life stories highlight how identity is actively constructed through personal narratives, influenced by the cultural master and counter-narratives available to individuals. This suggests that it is important to situate sexual identity development within its historical and social frameworks (...).

Limitations

A key limitation of this study is the small sample size of six participants. [... ... ...]
Another limitation is the lack of diversity. Most MAP studies, including this one, focus primarily on white European or North American participants, with little attention to socioeconomic or cultural variation. [....]
Additionally, recruitment through online forums may have biased the sample toward MAPs already reflecting on their attraction and engaging with peers, potentially differing from those who remain private. [...]

Implications

This study advances understanding of the under-represented group of non-offending MAPs [... ...]. It highlights the importance of valuing MAPs’ perspectives in shaping clinical and policy responses. Future research should continue to center these voices, exploring approaches that promote inclusion and resilience.

For practice, the findings underscore the need for mental health professionals to move beyond a narrow risk paradigm when working with MAPs. [... ...] 
Greater awareness of MAPs’ well-being and identity construction can equip professionals to provide care that is ethical, supportive, and empowering. 

Additionally, it is hoped that further research will adopt a narrative lens which illustrates how identity is shaped within broader sociocultural contexts. While no comprehensive
theory of MAP identity development exists (...), research on other sexual minorities demonstrates the centrality of social context (...). 
Future work should examine how cultural narratives shape MAP identities, as recognizing stigma and power dynamics is essential to reducing marginalization and supporting healthier identity development.

Conclusion

This study shows how non-offending MAPs construct identities and make sense of their attraction within a stigmatizing society. The six participants’ life stories revealed the difficulties of identity formation in the absence of supportive master narratives, while also demonstrating how personal storytelling can resist marginalization. 
Early life experiences, social interactions, and cultural frameworks were central to this process. As Hammack et al. (2011) note, marginalized individuals are tasked with challenging rigid master narratives embedded in power structures (... ... ...). 
Change may become possible when alternative narratives are voiced and heard. By sharing their often-silenced stories, non-offending MAPs can contribute to gradually shifting public perceptions and questioning master narratives over time.

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